The CIA-ISI showdown over Raymond Davis

The Pakistan-U.S. relationship sometimes feels more like an arranged marriage than a love match: both stay in it because of larger considerations, and begrudgingly acknowledge or even outright deride the other's concerns and priorities.

SPY for a  SPY

by C. Christine Fair

The United States and Pakistan are bound by mutual if asymmetric dependence, which generates considerable resentment among our peoples and governments alike. The Pakistan-U.S. relationship sometimes feels more like an arranged marriage than a love match: both stay in it because of larger considerations, and begrudgingly acknowledge or even outright deride the other's concerns and priorities.  

This is not new: it has been the case since the partnership was renewed in the wake of the events of 9/11. 

Flagging Confidence: Waving The Tricolour In Kashmir

 Azadi

It's the only thing the Kashmiri wants. Denial is delusion

by Faisal Khan

A passenger, who had fought hard to secure a seat in an overly packed bus, temporarily left his seat to buy a cup of tea. Apprehending that his leaving the seat would result in loss of the privilege, he spread a handkerchief on the seat- - an indication that the owner of the hankie would return shortly to the seat.

"Why do they pick on us Pakistanis?"

Faisal Shahzad, alleged Times Square bomber, is praised by Pakistan Taliban spokesman Azam Tariq. Shahzad, believed to be the man in the pic above, was arrested May last year while trying to leave the country on board a plane departing for Dubai.

Why do they pick

on us Pakistanis?

by Pervez Hoodbhoy

First a very pertinent note from Mehdi Hasan of the New Statesman blog [though partly edited to ensure a continuous readability]. 

A brilliant and brave answer from one of the country's leading academics.

 The news of the death of Salman Taseer, a secular minded Muslim and governor of Pakistan's Punjab province, came as a profound shock. Not because of the killing itself, as such acts of murder and violence have tragically and depressingly become part of daily life in our land of the pure, but because he was slain by one of his own bodyguards. As the Guardian's Declan Walsh notes, the killing has exposed:

...a vein of deep-rooted extremism that has infected even the senior security forces.

Taseer was shot 27 times yesterday by one of his own bodyguards, who was reportedly enraged by Taseer's opposition to Pakistan's often-misused blasphemy laws.

Taseer's murder by a trusted member of an elite counter-terrorism unit (who believed that he nonetheless had a divine duty to kill the governor for criticising Pakistan's blasphemy laws) shows that extremism in Pakistan is driven by ideology as well as by organised militant groups such as the Pakistani Taliban. Extremist takfiri ideology, a relatively modern import to Pakistan, has now affected many aspects of Pakistani society and culture and continues to spread through schools, mosques, universities and television channels. Similarly, the belief that any Muslim individual can spontaneously take violent action in order to 'protect Islam' is also becoming ever more widely accepted in Pakistan - independent of the activities of jihadist groups.

This is a worrying trend and on this occasion, we as Muslims can no longer do the impressions of ostriches with our heads in the sand. Denial is not an option. That such murders have become an order of the day in second-largest Muslim country in the world is sickening and appalling and needs regular and repeated condemnation from Muslim groups and, in particular, Muslim ulema (scholars) across the world. What on earth are thousands of so-called Muslims doing joining up to a Facebook page supporting Taseer's killer? How can a Brelvi jamaat, representing the mainstream Barelvi school of Sunni Muslims, justify telling people not to offer funeral prayers for Taseer?

I've long believed that we Muslims must be at the forefront of campaigns against takfiri and jihadist violence, against killings, shootings and bombings in the name of Allah, Prophet Muhammad and the religion of Islam. To borrow a line from Robert Kennedy (or was it Rabbi Hillel?): if not us, who? If not now, when?

Silence is not an option. We Muslims are exposing ourselves to the charge of double standards when we bleat about the killings of innocent Muslims in Palestine or Afghanistan or Chechnya, at the hands of non-Muslim armies, but then keep mum when Muslim crazies start shooting and beheading non-Muslims, as well as other Muslims like Salman Taseer, and do so in the name of God and His prophet. And, above all else, where is our humanity? Islam is a humanitarian, not a sectarian, religion and so selective outrage will not do.

On a related note, as more gloomy news emerge from inside Pakistan, I spotted, via Twitter, a piece by the brilliant and brave Pakistani physicist and commentator, Professor Pervez Hoodbhoy - in fact, it's a transcript of remarks he made in a recent talk in Washington DC to Pakistani professionals settled in the United States of America, entitled "Why do they pick on us Pakistanis?"

Hoodbhoy argues:

Science, poetry and prejudice

Abdus Salam receiving the Nobel Prize for Physics from King Carl Gustav of Sweden in 1979.

"...nations which do not honour their great men cease to produce them"

by Kunwar Idris 

Note for WoP readrs: A beautiful piece by Kanwar Idris once again forwarded to me by ZJeddy of Treasure Chest weblog. Khalid Rafique, a member of Jeddy’s email club had the following note on this piece about the two great sons of Pakistan, both of whom were persona non grata in this land of the pure.

Governor Punjab: Latest victim to the ongoing wave of extremism in Pakistan

Governor Taseer assassinated

Islamabad—Punjab Governor Salman Taseer was assassinated here Tuesday afternoon by one of his gunman, Malik Mumtaz Hussain Qadrim, of the Punjab Elite Force. Salman Taseer died when the guard had opened fire on him while he was going towards his car in Kohsar Market.

Salman Taseer, 66, appointed Governor of Punjab in 2008, was killed by one of his bodyguards, who confessed he opposed Governor’s criticism of the controversial blasphemy laws.

We at the Wonders of Pakistan strongly condemn the assassination of Mr. Salman Taseer who was one of the country's most moderate voices against extremism.

Although details as to the motive of the crime are yet to surface, this brutal murder once again raises the fundamental issue: that religious indoctrination is feeding the fires of hatred and intolerance. 

Lately, Mr. Taseer had become an outspoken champion of tolerance and women rights. He supported the rights of all minorities in Pakistan, opposed extremism and Talibanisation, and was against misuse of laws to marginalize minorities under the guise of religious beliefs and the current blasphemy law. Mr. Taseer was a brave man who along with a handful of other politicians like Sherry Rahman had called for the repeal of Pakistan's blasphemy law.

Governor Taseer's murder is simply a sign of the lack of understanding of the peaceful Islamic faith by a violent, vocal and misguided minority of people in Pakistan. This murder and many others are the result of a minority of religious clergy who continue to instill intolerance, violence and create an environment of a mob type justice without due process. Anyone who kills outside the framework of laws has not only committed a crime but a grave sin. These are signs of not only religious extremism but also ignorance of extremism. Mr. Taseer‘s murder must be condemned and repudiated, not extolled. Otherwise, Pakistan will be in a downward spiral in which intolerance and extremism may triumph.

Islam is a faith which teaches respect and tolerance for all people. There is considerable respect for the people of Abrahamic and other faiths. Prophet Mohammed (SAW) life is a perfect example of tolerance, love and respect for all people. It was by his love and character that he won the hearts of all people. Using the same faith and the same perfect personality (SAW) to justify killing the innocent and the minorities is the worst form of blasphemy against The Faith.

We urge all our countrymen to stand up peacefully yet firmly against the voices of intolerance and hate in any shape or form. This type of indoctrination is the single biggest threat to the humanity at this time. Only the larger society can get rid of this menace from all levels within the society. This is the time to unite and join forces and recover the faith of Peace and Love. We also urge the authorities to investigate thoroughly and share their full findings with the people of Pakistan.

Uranium Deposits In Kurram War Zone

Radioactive Ore

in Kurram Agency

.

.

by Dr. Ghayur Ayub

.
.

 I wrote on the religio-political situation in Kurram Agency in my previous articles titled “Is Islamabad losing Parachinar to Kabul?” and “Parachinar is burning”. Today, I am writing on another aspect of this troubled region which has been ignored by Islamabad. It pertains to the mineral deposits.

The Dark Long Night

Without Jinnah, it is safe to say, there would have been no Pakistan. Rarely, in the history of human endeavour, have so many owed so much to one, single, solitary person. 

JINNAH’S VISION of PAKISTAN

& WHAT WE ARE, NOW!

 

by Roedad Khan

“Few individuals significantly alter the course of history,” wrote Stanley Wolpert in the preface to his book on Mr. Jinnah. “Fewer still modify the map of the world. Hardly anyone can be credited with creating a nation-state. Mohammad Ali Jinnah did all three.” 

By 1940, the mystical bond linking Jinnah and the people was so profound that nobody could challenge Jinnah’s leadership of the Muslims of India. He was their sole spokesman.

Beverly Nichols, who first met Mr. Jinnah on December 18, 1943, called him a giant, the most important man in Asia. “India is likely to be the world’s greatest problem for some years to come, and Mr. Jinnah is in a position of unique strategic importance. He can sway the battle this way or that as he chooses. His 100 million Muslims will march to the left, to the right, to the front, to the rear at his bidding and at nobody else’s… that is the point.”

Without Jinnah, it is safe to say, there would have been no Pakistan. Rarely, in the history of human endeavour, have so many owed so much to one, single, solitary person. 

Mr. Jinnah envisioned Pakistan as a modern, progressive, democratic country drawing its inspiration from the true, dynamic, pristine, revolutionary Islam of its early years with its emphasis on egalitarianism, social justice and accountability. Jinnah was a fervent believer in the sovereignty of the people, the inviolability of constitution, supremacy of civilian rule, an absolutely independent, incorruptible judiciary, rule of law and a strong, neutral, honest civil service. The ruling passion of Jinnah’s life was the love of law and liberty. On innumerable occasions, before and after the establishment of Pakistan, he affirmed his faith in democracy, social justice and the equality of men as taught by Islam. In a broadcast to the people of the United States of America in February 1948, he said, “The Constitution of Pakistan has yet to be framed by the Pakistan constituent assembly. I do not know what the ultimate shape of the constitution is going to be, but I am sure that it will be of a democratic type, embodying the essential principles of Islam… Pakistan is not going to be a theocratic state to be ruled by priests with a divine mission.”

With Mr. Jinnah’s death, it was as if a great light had gone out, and people were left groping in the dark. The hands of the nation’s clock stopped the day the Quaid’s heart stopped beating.

Sometimes, I wonder if it ever occurred to Mr. Jinnah that, one day, Pakistan will be stripped of all its core values; the constitution, the supreme law of the land will be abrogated or suspended, defaced, disfigured and changed beyond recognition; Pakistan will be ruled by a corrupt president and his dream will turn into a nightmare.

As he left the constitutional convention of 1787, Benjamin Franklin was asked by an admirer, “Dr Franklin what have you given us.” Franklin turned to the questioner and replied, “A Republic, if you can keep it.” Not too long ago, we too possessed a great country earned for us by the sweat of the brow and iron will of one person. Where giants walked, midgets pose now. Our rulers, both elected and unelected, have done to Pakistan what the successors of Lenin did to the Soviet Union.

Many nations in the past have attempted to develop democratic institutions, only to lose them when they took their liberties and political institutions for granted. Pakistan is a classic example. Born at midnight as a sovereign, independent, democratic country, today it is neither sovereign, nor independent or democratic. Today it is not just a “rentier state”, not just a client state. It is a slave state, with a puppet government set up by Washington, ill-led, ill-governed by a power-hungry junta.

Think about where we stand today? We have President Zardari. And little hope and no cash. The Pakistan Mr. Jinnah founded is gone. It disappeared the day power-hungry generals and corrupt politicians hijacked Pakistan. On that day, the lights went out. Pakistan slid into darkness. Thanks to eight years of General Musharraf’s illegitimate rule, followed by over two years of Zardari’s corrupt administration, today Pakistan is a ghost of its former self. If it were to look into a mirror, it won’t recognise itself. Today Pakistan looks like a bad parody of the miracle we witnessed on August 14, 1947. If Mr. Jinnah came today and saw President Zardari, in occupation of his august office, he would say, “I am afraid I need to erase this and start all over again.”

“When the head is rotten, it affects the whole body,” King Abdullah is quoted as saying with reference to Pakistan. A country that tolerates a situation in which people who are corrupt to the bone rule, is a sick country. I have always believed and always shall, that indifference to corruption at the summit of power is treason.

Who is there to inspire the people? Who is there to lead the people? Who is there to cleanse Pakistan of the filth surrounding it? We need a committed, passionate person to lead our country, not a Sunday school teacher taking baby steps cautiously. Pakistan is hungry for a person who will light a candle in the gloom that is our morale; who has a passion burning within him to set our nation alight; who will be the standard-barrier of the disenchanted; who can give voice to our humiliation; who places country above self; who gives the country a new agenda; one that does not replace one set of corrupt leaders by another; who offers the genuine hope of a new order to take us into a new millennium; and, most important, whose hands are clean.

Is the dark long night about to end? And has the time come for us to leave the valley of despair and climb the mountain so that we can see the glory of another dawn? Cast off despair. The darkest hour is the one just before dawn and as generally happens in history, it is at the darkest hour that a bright star arises when you have almost given up hope. When a nation is in crisis, it needs a man to match the time. ‘You don’t create such a man, you don’t discover such a man. You recognise such a man’. Time cries out for leadership. Cometh the hour, so cometh the man. The hour will find the man who has the will and power to restore the Pakistan dream.

Talking about social justice and equality in the Pakistan of his dream, Mr. Jinnah said in a speech delivered in April 1943, “Here I would like to give a warning to the landlords and capitalists. The exploitation of the masses has gone into their blood. They have forgotten the lesson of Islam. Do you visualise that millions have been exploited and cannot get one meal a day? If this was the idea of Pakistan, I would not have it.”

Today all the symptoms which one had ever met in history previous to great changes and revolutions exist in Pakistan. Men and women of Pakistan, now is the hour to claim your rights, your core values, your stolen money. The cabal that rules this poor country is degenerate to the very bones and nauseatingly corrupt. We must extirpate it root and branch. Be prepared to march. It is time to go to the barricades. The great are great only because we are on our knees. Let us rise.

 ---

Source

Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the ‘Wonders of Pakistan’. The contents of this article too are the sole responsibility of the author(s). WoP will not be responsible or liable for any inaccurate or incorrect statements contained in this post.

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Dealing With Pakistan

We “will continue to insist to Pakistani leaders that terrorists safe havens within their borders must be dealt with,” said President Obama. Retired General Jack Keane who in 2007 was used by former president George W. Bush as a back channel to deliver messages and counsel to General David Petraeus, puts it more bluntly: “Don’t just put a finger in their chest, put a fist in their chest.” 

”PUT A FIST IN THEIR CHEST”

by H.D.S. Grreenway

’Tis the season to bash Pakistan. That’s the message that leapt from the Obama administration’s Afghan strategy review last week. It’s Pakistan fault that we Americans are not winning the war, so we better get tough with Pakistan.

We “will continue to insist to Pakistani leaders that terrorists safe havens within their borders must be dealt with,” said President Obama. Others, such as retired Gen. Jack Keane, put it more bluntly: “Don’t just put a finger in their chest, put a fist in their chest.” But the message is the same — “U.S. Will Widen War On Militants Inside Pakistan,” headlined the New York Times. “Pentagon Planning More Attacks With Drones And Commandos.”

There can be no doubt of what the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Adm. Mike Mullen, called — in Pentagon-speak — “the criticality of Pakistan in terms of overall success.” But is putting a fist in Pakistan’s chest really going to solve the “criticality” issue?

Pakistan is already permitting drone attacks on its territory — attacks that kill as many or more civilians than militants. It has also allowed limited U.S. special operations within Pakistan. Eighty percent of U.S. war material passes through Pakistan. Put a fist in Pakistan’s chest, as we did in September when a cross-border operation killed three Pakistani soldiers, and you may see some of this support dry up.

I recently drove past the hulks of burned out oil tankers by the side of the Grand Trunk Road headed to the Khyber Pass, torched by militants when Pakistan temporarily halted the convoys in retaliation for our incursion.

One might ask General Keane: What is it you don’t understand about closing the Khyber Pass? What chance would you give either the short-term or long-term sustainability of our Afghan effort without Pakistani cooperation? One hundred dollars worth of gasoline passing through Pakistan costs one thousand to ship though Central Asia.

So let’s stop all this talk of cleaning out the sanctuaries ourselves if the Pakistanis won’t. The United States doesn’t need to get involved militarily in another Muslim country.

The U.S. is extremely unpopular as it is with the Pakistani public. Do we really think we could prevail in the mountains of the Northwest Frontier with the whole countryside up in arms against us? If you really want to destabilize a nuclear-armed Pakistan, that would be the best way to do it.

Pakistanis feel, with some justification, that they are being scapegoated. “I’m not saying we are entirely innocent,” a member of Pakistan’s intelligence service told me, but after nine years of failing in Afghanistan it is easy to “put all the blame on someone else.”

Or as Lt. Gen. Asif Malik, commander of the Pakistani Army 11th Corps responsible for the tribal territories, told me: Organizations such as the Haqqani group are not completely dependent on Pakistani territory. They, and the rest of the Taliban, can operate quite well in Afghanistan without sanctuaries — to which the deterioration of security in northern Afghanistan attests.

And from Pakistan’s point of view, there are Taliban attacking Pakistani soldiers from safe havens in Afghanistan that NATO cannot stop. The frontier with Pakistan will always be porous. The mountainous border cannot be sealed completely.

Yes, Pakistan wants to keep some Pashtun guerilla groups close as a hedge against the future. General Keane says that once we show Pakistan that the Taliban cannot come back to power in Kabul, Pakistan will abandon these groups and get on the team.

But Pakistan’s Afghan policy is consistent. It does not want a hostile neighbor on its western border. Pakistan fears the present Kabul government, dominated by the India-backed Northern Alliance of Tajiks and Uzbeks, unless more pro-Pakistan Pashtuns are better represented.

How can Pakistan be confident that the United States will be able to turn security over to an Afghan Army by 2014? Afghan soldiers regularly loot the properties of the very citizens they are tasked with defending, and the Karzai government is unloved. Although there has been much progress in training the Afghan Army, serious training began only last year. My tennis game can show a lot of improvement in one year, but it doesn’t mean I will be ready to play Roger Federer by 2014.

Pakistanis know that, whether it be 2014 or 2024, Americans will go home, and Pakistan will still be left with Afghanistan next door.

The Obama administration understands the need to work closely with Pakistan, and yes, Pakistan can be endlessly frustrating — even to Pakistanis. But more emphasis on trying to understand Pakistan’s vital national interests — some “strategic patience,” as Admiral Mullen put it, and a little less bullying — might be more productive.

Too often, the American attitude is master to servant: We give you money now do what we say, and do it right now.

--

Source: The New York Times

Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the ‘Wonders of Pakistan’. The contents of this article too are the sole responsibility of the author(s). WoP will not be responsible or liable for any inaccurate or incorrect statements contained in this post.

YOUR COMMENT IS IMPORTANT

DO NOT UNDERESTIMATE THE POWER OF YOUR COMMENT

Wonders of Pakistan supports freedom of expression and this commitment extends to our readers as well. Constraints however, apply in case of a violation of WoP Comments Policy. We also moderate hate speech, libel and gratuitous insults.

My Life With The Taliban: An Excerpt [5 of 5]

THE INTERROGATIONS

Every day prisoners were mistreated in the camp. A Pakistani brother who had a bad toothache had only been given Tylenol by the medic in the camp. Eating was painful and difficult for him, and he could not manage to finish his food in the thirty minutes allocated for each meal. When the soldier came to collect his plate, he asked to be given more time because of his teeth. The soldier took him to the entrance and hit him in the mouth while the rest of us watched helplessly. After we saw how they treated the Pakistani brother, we decided to go on hunger strike. Word spread quickly and soon the entire camp had stopped eating. When the camp authorities came to find out what the reason for the strike was, we informed them about the abuses of the soldier and that we would no longer tolerate them. We were promised that incidents like this would be prevented in the future and we stopped the hunger strike. Even though we were subject to harsh conditions, this was the first hunger strike to have taken place under the American invaders’ custody.

The next day Mohammad Nawab, who was very ill and could not stand up, was beaten and kicked. The soldiers had come to inspect the tent and ordered the prisoners to move to the back. Mohammad Nawab had not moved; he had remained in bed. When the soldiers saw him, a group of them started to beat and kick him before they dragged him to the end of the tent and dropped him at our feet. I should mention that not all American soldiers behaved in this way; some were decent and respectful and did not join their comrades in the abuses. Some abuses were worse than others and affected everyone in the camp. One afternoon I woke up to the sound of the men crying. All over the camp you could hear the men weep. I asked Mohammad Nawab what had happened. He said that a soldier had taken the holy Qur’an and had urinated on it and then dumped it into the trash.

We had been given a few copies of the Qur’an by the Red Cross, but now we asked them to take them back. We could not protect them from the soldiers who often used them to punish us. The Red Cross promised that incidents like this would not be repeated, but the abuses carried on. The search dogs would come and sniff the Qur’an and the soldier would toss copies to the ground. This continued throughout my time in Kandahar. It was always the same soldier who acted without any respect towards the Qur’an and Islam. There were many other incidences of abuse and humiliation. Soldiers were conducting training with the prisoners as guinea-pigs: they would practise arrest techniques — all of which were filmed — and prisoners were beaten, told to sit for hours in painful positions. The number of such stories is endless. All the while the interrogations continued. One night, when I had already been in Kandahar for several months, I was called for interrogation. I was asked if I wanted to go home, told that they had not benefited from my detention and had found no proof that I was involved beyond my dealings as Ambassador. They were planning to release me, they said. They would arrange for money, a phone and anything else I needed. After all this they told me the condition for my release: all I had to do was help them find Sheikh Osama and Mullah Mohammad Omar. Any time I would choose detention over this kind of release. I would not dare to put a price on the life of a fellow Muslim and brother ever!

I interrupted them and asked them what the reason for my detention was. They said that they believed I know about Al Qaeda, the Taliban, their financial branches, and about the attacks on New York and Washington. I had been arrested to investigate all these allegations. Given that they had not found any proof of what they had accused me of, they must see that I was innocent, I said. I had been arrested by the Pakistani government, and should be released without any conditions. For three days they talked about financial aid and a possible deal if I would agree to their terms, but I turned all their offers down. Once again their behaviour changed. They threatened me and my life, again.

The next day a group of soldiers came to our tent throwing a bunch of handcuffs towards a group of prisoners. After they put on the handcuffs, they were tied together and led away. We all wondered what was happening. Some believed that we were being released; others speculated that they might get transferred. But they all were brought back a few hours later. Each and every one was shaved — their beards, hair and eyebrows. Every single hair was gone. This was the worst form of punishment. In Islam it is forbidden to shave one’s beard. It is considered a sin in the Hanafi faith. It is better to be killed than to have one’s beard shaved. I was in the next group that was led away to the barber. I asked the barber not to shave my beard; he replied with a hard slap to my head. I did not open my eyes for several minutes while the pain rushed through me. Later, when a doctor asked me what had happened to my face and I complained about the barber, I received another slap from the doctor, telling me I should not complain about the American invaders.

During one interrogation session, I was asked if I knew Mr Mutawakil [the Taliban foreign minister] and there were several other questions relating to him. Finally I was asked if I wanted to meet him. I doubted that he had been arrested and asked where he was and how I could meet him. A few moments later he entered the room. He had brought me a packet of Pakistani biscuits, but my hands were tied and I was unable to eat them. Nor was I allowed to take them with me. We talked for ten or fifteen minutes and then he left again. In the short meeting I learnt that I would soon be transferred to Cuba. Mr Mutawakil did not say much more about that. He knew that Allah knew best what would happen to me. The next day I was interrogated again. I was told that I would be transferred to Cuba on 1 July.

The interrogator added that those going to Cuba would spend the rest of their lives there and that even their bodies might never find their way back to Afghanistan. This was my last chance, he said; I had to make a decision to go home or to be transferred to Cuba. Once again he stated the conditions for my release. If I were to go home, I would have to work with and help the American intelligence agencies in their search for Al Qaeda and Taliban leaders, remaining their slave for the rest of my days. May Allah save us from committing such a sin! Even though I was given a day to think about it, I replied immediately: “I am not more talented or important than any of the brothers detained here. I accept the decision made for me by Almighty Allah. I have not committed any crime, and so will not admit to any crime. It is now up to you to decide what to do with me and where I shall be transferred”. After this interrogation I hoped that the transfer would come soon.

TO GITMO- IN CHAINS

On 1 July 2002 I was taken to the barber and shaved once again. Afterwards a group of soldiers came and threw chains at the entrance of the tent. One after another we were chained together to be transferred to Cuba. I was the fourth person in the row. Our hands and feet were bound and our heads covered by black bags, chained together in groups of seven or eight people. We were brought to another waiting area; the black bags were replaced with black goggles and plugs were put into our ears. Before we were brought to the plane, we were photographed again, and given a set of red clothes and red shoes. Our mouths were covered with a mask and hands and feet bound with two different kinds of chains. Once in the plane, our feet were locked to a chain on the ground, and our hands were bound behind our backs and locked to the metal chairs. It was impossible to move, not even an inch. It was a painful position and soon after the plane took off some of the prisoners started to struggle with their chains, screaming and moaning in pain.

They remained chained in this position for the entire journey, and weren’t allowed to use the bathroom. We were locked into these positions four hours before the plane even took off and we still remained there three hours after it had landed. We spent close to thirty hours locked in those chairs. The chains cut off the blood supply to our hands and feet. After ten hours I lost all feeling in them. Our hands were so swollen that it was difficult for the American soldiers to open the handcuffs, which had sunk deep into the flesh. The airplane landed once during the flight before arriving in Cuba. Once off the plane we were ordered into rows while being screamed at in Arabic and English: “Don’t move. Stick to your place!” But after thirty hours in chains, with hands and feet hurting, some moved and stretched. Seeing this one of the soldiers kicked and beat them. I myself was kicked three times. We were moved to the base and I was brought for a medical check-up. Then they took me to an interrogation room and chained me to a chair. A few moments later an interrogator came in—accompanied by a Persian translator. He introduced himself as Tom.

He was assigned to probe me, he said. I was too tired from the long and painful journey to talk and told him that I just wanted to be transferred to wherever I would stay from now on and that we could talk tomorrow if he wanted, but Tom insisted that we talk straight away.

My mouth was dry, and I could hardly stay awake. Up until then everyone had been advising me to try to avoid being transferred to Cuba, but now that I had arrived I had nothing left to fear. I did not even care about the punishment anymore. Now in Guantánamo, we preferred death over life. Even though Tom insisted, I barely responded to any of his questions and so he finally left the room. I was brought to a small cage made out of a shipping crate. My hands and feet were unfastened and I was left alone. A food ration had been left for me in the cage but it was having water that made me most happy. It was the first time in months that I had the amount of water necessary to perform my ablutions. I washed, prayed and went to sleep. I slept well, missing the night prayer, and woke up just before the morning. 

Concluded.

Previous 1, 2, 3, 4, 5. 

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Source: There are no sunglasses

Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the ‘Wonders of Pakistan’. The contents of this article too are the sole responsibility of the author(s). WoP will not be responsible or liable for any inaccurate or incorrect statements contained in this post.

YOUR COMMENT IS IMPORTANT

DO NOT UNDERESTIMATE THE POWER OF YOUR COMMENT

Wonders of Pakistan supports freedom of expression and this commitment extends to our readers as well. Constraints however, apply in case of a violation of WoP Comments Policy. We also moderate hate speech, libel and gratuitous insults.